Bloody attack in Sudan - Who is the RSF chief involved in the violence?

 

Bloody attack in Sudan - Who is the RSF chief involved in the violence?

Six people were killed in an attack on a United Nations building in Sudan's Kordofan state. The country's army-backed government blamed the anti-government paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF) for the attack. Meanwhile, six Bangladeshi peacekeepers were killed in a terrorist attack in the country, Bangladesh's Inter-Services Public Relations (ISPR) said on Saturday.

Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, known as “Hemedti,” has emerged as a powerful figure in Sudanese politics. His paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF) now control half of the country.

The RSF scored a major victory last month by capturing the town of El-Fasher, the last remaining stronghold of the Sudanese army and its local allies in western Darfur.

Hemedti was born in 1974, or possibly 1975. Like many in the village, his exact date and place of birth are not registered. He was a member of an ordinary family. His family is from the Rijeigat community of the Maharia branch, a group that traditionally herded camels in Chad and Darfur.

Led by Hemedti’s uncle, Juma Dagalo, his community fled the war-torn region in search of a better life in Darfur in the 1970s and 1980s. They were later granted permission to settle there. Hemedti left school in his teens and crossed the desert to join the camel trade in Libya and Egypt.

Led by his uncle, Juma Dagalo, his community fled war-torn areas in the 1970s and 1980s to Darfur in search of a better life. They were later granted residency. Hemedti left school in his teens and crossed the desert to join the camel trade in Libya and Egypt.

Due to the neglect of the government of then-President Omar al-Bashir of Sudan, Darfur became a poor and lawless region. Because of this, Darfur was known as the ‘Wild West’ of Sudan at the time.

Among them, Arab militias known as the Janjabids attacked villages belonging to the Fur minority ethnic group. A force led by Juma Dagalo also joined in.

This cycle of violence escalated into a full-scale rebellion against the government in 2003. At this time, the Fur warriors were joined by members of the Masalit, Jaghawa and other ethnic groups. They complained that Sudan's upper-caste Arabs were neglecting them.

Bashir promoted the Janjaweed to lead his counter-insurgency operations. Later, they quickly became known for arson, looting, raping and killing villages. Hemedti's unit was also in this group.

An African Union peacekeeping force report said that the force attacked and destroyed the village of Adwa in November 2004. At least 126 people were killed, including 36 children. A US investigation found that the Janjaweed were responsible for the massacre.

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The International Criminal Court (ICC) was charged with investigating the Darfur conflict. The court indicted four people, including Bashir. Bashir denied the charge of genocide. Hemedti was a relatively low-ranking Janjaweed commander at the time. Therefore, he did not come under the ICC investigation.

In the years following the 2004 violence, Hemedati strategically consolidated his position. At one point, he became known as the head of a powerful paramilitary force, the controller of a corporate empire, and an influential politician.

In the years of conflict, Hemedati strategically consolidated his position. At one point, he became known as the head of a powerful paramilitary force, the controller of a corporate empire, and an influential politician.

This identity created an opportunity for Hemedati. He temporarily rebelled against Bashir's government, demanding back pay for his fighters, promotions, and a political position for his brother. Bashir accepted most of his demands. Hemedati later rejoined Bashir's main force.

When other Janjaweed units began to rebel, Hemedati led government forces and defeated them. At one point, he took control of the largest gold mine in Darfur, Jebel Amir. His family company, Al-Guneid, quickly became Sudan's largest gold exporter.

In 2013, Hemedti was officially appointed head of Sudan's new paramilitary group, the RSF, which worked directly under President Bashir. The Janjaweed forces were integrated into the RSF and given new uniforms, vehicles, and weapons. Officers from the army were also added to provide support.

The RSF won important victories against rebels in Darfur. However, it failed to suppress the rebellion in the Nuba Mountains of southern Sudan. It then served as a police subcontractor on the border with Libya.

The RSF engaged in extortion and illegal activities under the guise of combating human trafficking. Under the guise of controlling illegal immigration across the desert from Africa to the Mediterranean, Hemedti's commanders became experts in human trafficking.

In 2015, when Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) requested Sudan to send troops to fight Houthi rebels in Yemen, Hemedti seized the opportunity.

Hemedti began sending RSF members as mercenaries through separate private agreements with Saudi Arabia and the UAE. This relationship, especially with Abu Dhabi, turned his life around, and he developed a close relationship with the Emirati President, Mohammed bin Zayed.

Young Sudanese men, and increasingly young men from neighbouring countries, flocked to RSF recruitment centres hoping to receive up to $6,000 (£4,500) in cash upon registration.

Not only that, but Hemedti also established a network in Europe beyond the Middle East. He also formed a partnership with the Russian mercenary group Wagner. He entered into various commercial deals, including paying gold in exchange for training.

Hemedti travelled to Moscow to make a formal agreement with Wagner. He was in Moscow on the day Russia invaded Ukraine. He denied receiving help from Wagner after the recent conflict in Sudan.

In 2019, mass protests against Bashir's government intensified. Bashir ordered Hemedti's units to be deployed to the capital, Khartoum. He thought that the RSF would become a strong force to protect the country's security and prevent an internal coup in the army. He even commented that Hemedti was "my protector."

But this idea proved wrong. In April of that year, a section of protesters demanding democracy surrounded the army headquarters. Bashir ordered the army to open fire on the protesters. At that time, Hemedti and others decided to oust Bashir at a meeting of top generals.

For a while, Hemedti was hailed as the new face of Sudan's future. A youthful, people-friendly figure, Hemedti actively met with various social groups. In this way, he positioned himself as a rival to the country's long-time rulers. He also tried to change the political complexion. However, this only lasted a few weeks.

Hemedti and the joint head of the ruling Interim Military Council, Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, continued to delay the transfer of power to civilian administration. People protested. When the movement became strong, Hemedti sent the RSF forces to suppress the protests. According to a report by the human rights organisation Human Rights Watch (HRW), members of his forces killed hundreds of people, raped women, and tied bricks to the bodies of men and threw them into the Nile River. Hemedti, however, denied these allegations.

Four countries—the United States, the United Kingdom, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates—have pressed for peace and democracy in Sudan. Under pressure, Sudan's generals and civilian leaders have agreed to reach an agreement on a draft prepared by African mediators. For two years, Sudan has been living in an uneasy coexistence between the military-dominated Sovereign Council and the civilian cabinet.

However, just before a cabinet-appointed investigation committee prepared a final report on the financial transactions of the military, security agencies, and RSF-owned companies, Burhan and Hemedti jointly overthrew the civilian government. They seized power.

However, this alliance did not last. Shortly after, Burhan demanded that the RSF be brought under the control of the military, which Hemedti rejected.

In April 2023, the RSF advanced to surround the military headquarters in the capital, Khartoum, and attempted to seize important military bases and the national palace. But the coup failed, and Khartoum became a battlefield.

The rival forces fought in the streets of Khartoum. The violence also spread to Darfur, where RSF forces carried out horrific atrocities against the Masalit population. According to the United Nations, at least 15,000 civilians were killed in the conflict, and the United States described the incident as “genocide.” RSF denied the accusations.

RSF commanders shared videos of brutal torture and killings committed by their members on social media, as if these crimes were a matter of pride for them. RSF and their allied militias began looting Sudanese cities, markets, universities and hospitals.

The looted goods are being sold at the well-known “Dagalo Market,” which is also found in neighbouring countries, including Chad. RSF has denied that fighters were involved in the looting.

Early in the current civil war, Hemedti was seriously injured in a shelling and airstrike on the capital's national palace. He was not seen in public for several days. Even after appearing in public a few months later, he showed no remorse for his war crimes or massacres; instead, he strengthened his resolve to win on the battlefield.

The RSF has sophisticated weapons. It also has advanced drones. These weapons have been used to attack Burhan's declared capital, Port Sudan. These weapons played a key role in the RSF's attack on the city of El Fasher.

Investigative reports by several international media outlets, including the New York Times, say that these RSF weapons have been sent to an air base and supply centre built by the United Arab Emirates in Chad. However, the UAE denies supplying weapons to the RSF.

Hemedti is trying to form a political coalition. This includes some civilian groups and armed movement groups. He has also formed a parallel administration called the ‘Government of Peace and Unity’ with himself as chairman. After the capture of El-Fash, almost all the habitable areas west of the Nile are now under the control of the RSF.

Sudanese analysts believe that Hemedti now has two possible goals. He may want to see himself as the president of a separate state, or he dreams of becoming the ruler of a unified Sudan.

Another possibility is that Hemedti wants to see himself as the centre of a powerful power, where he will control all three - business empires, mercenary forces and political parties. And then, he may control Sudanese politics, if not openly, then secretly.

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